For The Promotion Of Mental Health Care And Delivery Of Services

Central to the analysis of this examine is the argument that the existing cultural and non secular discourses considerably contribute to the ways motherhood identities are construed in the society. Of a selected note, motherhood is argued to be a desired position that every woman desires most and is ready to sacrifice for it. Importantly, marriage, spiritual orientations and orders of the patriarchy certify motherhood and its associated identities within the society. On the other hand, childlessness or failure to bear a male baby circumscribe women in decreased types of their identities and so subjects them to psychological and physical trauma and naturally a social stigma. The article discusses the indiscernibility of social-media-based younger Muslim women’s groups’ transformative roles in socio-political evaluation, standing in distinction to the groups’ visibility in Indonesian young women’s everyday lives.

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In Indonesian society, each ‘migration’ and ‘marriage’ are important social markers that signify transition to maturity. This paper examines how younger Indonesian women reconcile labour migration aspirations with hegemonic constructions of marriage and gendered family roles, where women are depicted as family ‘managers’ subordinate to their husbands who’re the ‘masters’.

Building on feminist critical discourse evaluation, the research shows how pelakor is sociolinguistically grounded in gender bias, revealing both a misogynistic angle deeply rooted in Indonesian society and the important role played by social media. This examine contributes to the sector of social media discourse research, a growing space of research in sociolinguistics, by exploring the use of a sexist term on Instagram.

Political Islam Sharia And Bumiputera Laws

How does the visibility of the YMWGs reconfigure the subjectivity of Muslim womanhood? How ought to we perceive the affect of this form of ‘women’s movement’ in the reinvention of Muslim identity? This article proposes the notion of ‘social media spiritual influencer’ to grasp the groups’ conflation of spiritual, political and commercial elements in their online and offline representations and their encouragement to their followers to do self-transformation. The article demonstrates how, although such inventive conflation challenges prevailing ideas about young Muslim women, it requires the young women to stay and participate within the prevailing gender regime by maintaining feminine conformity. Despite well-liked understandings and interpretations, Islam is definitely some of the constructive of all world religions regarding sexuality.

Findings-Women’s acceptance of wife beating in some circumstances experienced a rise during . Overall, determinants fell into three teams of women’s, husband’s and household’s traits. Originality/worth-This research helps to determine determinants of women’s vulnerability to home bodily violence and suggests some substantial approaches to address this pressing problem.

Discussions of media in this article are intertwined with well-liked culture studies, a area of important scholarly inquiry usually missed in political and social research. The development of Islam-based media—in which Islamic popular culture additionally thrives—is a type of bottom-up Islamisation in Indonesia, which reflects resistance from the various layers of Indonesia’s Muslim society towards the Western-led means of globalisation. As apparent in this article, the Islamisation trend within the Indonesian media plays a key position both in pluralising the varied discourses of Islam and normalising spiritual conservatism. Thailand has seen a rising number of women elected to Parliament in latest decades.

We use young women’s discussions of their aspirations and views in direction of migration as a departure to analyse the entangled relationship between labour migration and marriage . Using a relational method complemented with ‘logics for aspiring’ (Zipin et al. 2015), we argue that their constructions of mobility initiatives are dynamically negotiated within the interstices between particular person aspirations and social obligations. The Islamic conservative turn in Southeast Asia has been an important topic of inquiry for many observers of Islam in the area. More latest studies of the conservative turn in the region have noted the variations within the religious orientation, modes of activism, and agendas of the different actors within the country (e.g. work on Front Pembela Islam , Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia , Salafis, Traditionalists).

This article reveals different articulations of Islamisation in Indonesia infiltrating the media after the autumn of Soeharto. It seeks to examine new mediums of Islamic propagation promoted by completely different Islamic actors who use movie, radio, and social media, all of which have completely different social implications in Indonesia’s Muslim society.

This article investigates the usage of the word pelakor on Instagram by Indonesians. Pelakor (short for Perebut Laki Orang, literally meaning ‘a thief of another person’s husband’) is a coined term used popularly to discuss with a woman perceived as liable for ruining a couple’s marriage. Adopting a textual and interpretive evaluation as my method, I analyse the ways during which this term is used as a social label that sanctions women whereas erasing the position of men in narratives of infidelity.

Further, we present how their articulation of Indonesian distinction was in flip appropriated by international hackers and commentators to ascertain tech futures in opposition to the status quo. While Southeast Asian women’s socioeconomic standing and formal political rights have improved considerably in recent decades, women stay beneath-represented within the area’s political establishments, particularly at local ranges of governance. Although interest in Southeast Asian women’s political representation has increased in recent times, our understanding of women’s experiences of their pursuit of elected office remains limited. Drawing on unique ethnographic research in Indonesia, the Philippines, Thailand and Vietnam, this article identifies three main pathways by which women in Southeast Asia have sought election and re-election to political office. In so doing, the article highlights the significance of understanding women’s diversified experiences and suggests an agenda for further research.

Fulfilling sexual relations is acknowledged as an integral a part of heterosexual marriage, and ladies have the proper to divorce their husbands if the latter fail to provide sexual satisfaction. However, Islam the world over is offered as a sexually repressive and coercive religion, and this is not without reason. People having intercourse exterior heterosexual marriage have been executed within the name of Islam. Long touted as the nation that proves Islam is compatible with progressive democratic ideas, Indonesia is an attention-grabbing place to examine Islam and sexuality.

Rights And Permissions

Yet, little analysis has been done on who these women are and the way they have an effect on the quality of democracy. Drawing on beforehand untapped Thai-language major sources, it argues that the majority of feminine members of Parliament elected since 1975 have contributed to entrenching family-based mostly rule and stunting the growth of political pluralism. This argument relies on the finding that most female MPs are associated, by blood or marriage, to former male MPs. These women from political families constitute one part of the long historic course of through which Thailand has lapsed more and more into a household-based mostly patrimonial polity for the reason that absolute monarchy was abolished in 1932. The importance of households stays undiminished over time; the appearance of electoral politics has solely accentuated it by bringing more women with powerful household connections into Parliament.

While Indonesia has prevented official felony penalties for people involved in consenting personal sexual affairs, in the previous few years, there was a dramatic rise in punitive forces using Islam to justify persecution of anybody having intercourse outdoors of heterosexual marriage. This chapter explores Islam and sexuality in modern Indonesia to offer a richer understanding of how these two parts interrelate. Purpose-Due to the gender norms in Indonesia, married women are weak to domestic violence perpetrated by their husband. Design/methodology/strategy-Secondary knowledge analysis of three rounds of Indonesia Demographic and Health Survey in 2002/2003, 2007 and 2012 was carried out. Data have been analyzed descriptively to reveal the pattern of ladies’s acceptance and binary logistic regression was utilized to determine determinants.